While politicians want Sarawak’s rights and autonomy as explicitly written in the Malaysia Agreement to be returned to the state, the Dayaks, the Ibans in particular, are demanding that their rights be respected – the right to be recruited to the civil service, the right to higher education and scholarships, the right to business opportunities and government contracts, and the right to equal treatment and development.
During the campaigning for the formation of Malaysian federation, all these promises and pledges were made to the Ibans who were initially fearful of being colonised by Malaya.
Typical attitudes of the Ibans were expressed by their leader Jugah Barieng who said then, “Anang Malaysia tu ila baka tebu manis di pun tabar di ujung” (sweet in the beginning but less and less sweet towards the end).
More than 52 years today, Jugah’s fears seem to be true.
What has happened to the promise that if a Malay/Muslim was to be the governor then the Iban would be chief minister and vice-versa?
What has happened to the special privileges that should be accorded to the natives of Sarawak?
Not only their privileges are not implemented, even their existence and contributions to Malaysia are not recognised as they are treated as aliens (lain-lain).
The Ibans form about 30% of Sarawak’s 2.6 million people.
Now if you go to any department, you seldom see Dayak civil servants what more to say a Dayak heading a department. Even the state Immigration Department which all this while has been held by a Dayak is now in the hand of a man from Kedah. (Although his mother is from Sarawak, his father is from Kedah where he considers himself as a Kedahan.)
Because of lack of employment opportunities in Sarawak, more than 100,000 Ibans are doing some odd jobs in Malaya and Singapore.
But of all the things that Dayaks want is respect for their land. It is not only so precious to the Dayaks, it is also their life.
The most horrible thing that has happened to them is that they are chased away from their ancestral land and their longhouses demolished by oil palm companies and by mega dams. Some have gone to prisons in defence of their land.
A great majority of the Ibans are still living in poor and unhygienic surroundings, without clean water and electricity and without access roads to enable them to reach the nearest towns.
What has happened to the Police Field Force, the Sarawak Border Scouts, the Sarawak Rangers and even the Malaysian Rangers where the Ibans were noted for bravery and excellent service? All of them had been disbanded.
In politics, they have not only lost their political power, but are gravely divided and scattered all over political parties such as Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, Parti Rakyat Sarawak, Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party, Parti Tenaga Rakyat Sarawak, Sarawak United People’s Party, United People’s Party, Democratic Action Party and Parti Keadilan Rakyat.
The erosion of Dayaks’ rights began with the dismissal of Stephen Kalong Ningkan as chief minister in 1966 when he aggressively defended Sarawak’s autonomy and rights as promised under the Malaysia Agreement.
He was defending among others, Borneonisation, retention of English Language as an official language and religious freedom.
For all these efforts, Ningkan was sacked as chief minister by the governor with the help of six Ibans from Parti Pesaka and leaders of Parti Berjasa and Parti Panas.
Of course Kuala Lumpur was behind the plot.
Even in the latest demarcation of electoral constituencies, the Ibans are clearly marginalised. When those in authorities carried out a delineation exercise they first looked into the constituencies controlled by the Ibans. They drew the boundaries in such a way that the Iban-controlled constituencies were split and reduced.
Look at the first exercise in 1988, when the state assembly seats were increased from 48 to 56. The Iban majority seats were reduced from 20 to 17, while the Malay/Melanau seats were increased by six from 12 to 18, and the Chinese from eight to 11.
In the 1999-2001 delineation exercise to increase the assembly seats from 56 to 62, the Iban seats remained at 17, while the Malay/Melanau seats increased from 18 to 24 seats, the Chinese seats from 11 to 13, the Bidayuh seats remained at five and Orang Ulu seats from two to three.
Again in the 2005 electoral boundary exercise to increase the seats from 62 to 71, the Malay/Melanau seats gained four more seats from 24 to 28. But this time, the Iban majority seats increased by three to 20 seats. The Bidayuh seats increased from five to six, the Chinese from 13 to 14. Only the Ulu seats remained at three.
In the current exercise, 11 seats have been created. We see an increase in Malay/Melanau seats from 28 to 32, while the Iban seats increased by one to 21; the Bidayuh seats from six to eight, and Orang Ulu from three to five, while the Chinese seats increased by one to 15.
So the question being asked is: Will the return of autonomy to Sarawak currently under discussion bring fairer treatment, justice and equality to the Iban community?
By Joseph Tawie
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