The Reformasi that never was




If PKR came to power in Sabah and
Sarawak  the power to appoint the chief
ministers and cabinet members would
still be in the hands of Kuala Lumpur.

  By: Raymond Tombung: SINCE I first attended a talk by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim in February 2006 in Tuaran, at about the time Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan began toying with the idea of joining Parti Keadilan Rakyat, I had looked upon Anwar as a towering personality representing the future of Malaysia, a hero who was trailblazing the political landscape with a brave new idea. He was heroically going through the classical pattern of suffering and moving patiently through the pains of persecution towards a final vindication and redemption, to eventually march along the gilded highway under a blaze of confetti and fireworks, with his chin high, riding a white horse in triumph to the glorious seat of truth.


His valiant struggles were my struggle, and I felt his pains in my empathy as I lived with the series of breaking news and statements for and against him. I have felt the high emotions, the despair and anger as the verdict was passed on him, and yet I held on to the belief that it would all end with that final triumphal march one fine day in a new chapter in the nation's history.

Reformasi as a magic word, an emotive ideology that promised renewal and rebirth, which would supplant the existing system and thus replenish the parched and exhausted land. His speeches, despite their repetitiveness in their eloquence, sounded true and honest. They seemed to have been uttered from a pure and humble heart, echoing in the sentiments of the people far and wide. His words seemed to breathe with the common souls who were pining for the day of the changing of the guards, and the opening of the gates to greener pastures - pastures with level playing fields where the scale of justice is held perfectly balanced and not skewed to favour those who were more equal than others.
 
It was a high point in the history of Sabah PKR when Jeffrey joined the party in a historic gathering of 7,000 in Tambunan during which he handed over to Anwar a heavy stack of 17,000 membership application forms. And what followed was a deluge of new support for the party from all people of different racial and religious identities, who joined after Jeffrey because of their belief in his new choice.
 
Then later, two major negative developments took place: 1. Jeffrey began to be seen as too big a personality to be left free to play a dominant role in PKR Sabah, and 2. The true colours of PKR and Anwar began to surface. These two developments were the roots of all the problems that now beset the party. Like menacing tentacles extending from the hostile octopus, these developments sent poisons that eventually killed the octopus itself. Attacks against Jeffrey and his close allies in the party were waged in three battlefields: in the grapevine (with underground verbal venoms), in the printed and electronic media (with blogs, emails and social sites), and in the party's machinery (waged by senior leaders, no less). Yet, all these attacks did not amount to much, leaving Jeffrey quite unperturbed for a long time, maturedly ignoring them. The real damage came from the machinations from the party headquarters in Kuala Lumpur which wanted to ensure that Jeffrrey's weight be reduced to a 'manageable' level.
 
The first shock I had was when the party president and the de facto leader, openly and flagrantly went against the wish of the majority of divisional leaders in their choice of State Liaison chairman. The plea for the retention of Awang Tangah as state chief was blatantly ignored, despite our pleadings ( with a strong memorandum and all ) for the preservation of the principles of democracy and justice. The then secretary-general Tan Sri Kinabalu to try to appease the anger but faced a barrage of angry outbursts from many divisional leaders, who openly hit at Kuala Lumpur and Hj Ansari Abdullah who was present. What was disappointing was Khalid,s laid back, smiling and nonchalant way in responding to the whole emotional conflagration. Subsequently, Jeffrey was called to Kuala Lumpur for a negotiation to avert a damaging revolt. A creative compromise was reached, with him getting  appointed as the chairman of a newly-created State Steering Committee, which was above the State Liaison Committee, technically giving Jeffrey state leadership! He was also appointed as the vice president to be in charge of both Sabah and Sarawak. This new arrangement managed to cool down the protests but it did not last long because it was 'too creative', an organizational arrangement which was outside the party's constitution and was, anyway, impractical. There was a clear overlapping and duplication of roles and functions. Eventually the State Steering Committee got lost and forgotten in the shadows of subsequent events, The only good that came out of the arrangement was that Jeffrey, as the vice president assigned to co-ordinate for Sarawak as well, soon cemented new political partnerships in the Land of the Hornbills which later would contribute strongly to the creation and mobilization of the Borneo Dayak Forum, the Common Interest Group Malaysia ( Cigma ), and of course, now, the United Borneo Front! It was a case of a good seed sprouting to fertile life wherever it landed- almost analogous to the story of Joseph being sold into Egypt.
 
But a dispute surface again all when the party, against all common sense, appointed Azmin Ali to be the State Liaison chairman, causing Jeffrey to resign as vice president, then declaring "I have already burned my bridge" and went on a political leave "to go fishing." Christina  Liew and other Divisional chiefs followed suit. Then PKR struck a peace deal for the second time, this time promising Jeffrey the prerogative to choose his own lieutenants, including the appointment of the state's Secretary (who was to be Mozes Iking) and Communications director ( who were to be either Alex Kiob or myself). Jeffrey relented and came back into the fold. But with Jeffrey and Christina back in the additional appointments promised to Jeffrey was conveniently 'forgotten'. Jeffrey, now somewhat trapped, took the gentlemanly acquiescence and continued on with a smile, but at one time saying "If I leave PKR again it will be for good." Then Datuk Zaid Ibrahim came into the picture to develop his contacts in Sabah which resulted in him being banned from coming to Sabah by the party's political bureau. He immediately resigned from the central bureau in order to be able to visit Sabah freely, saying "How can they ask me not to come and visit my friends?"
 
The last straw that broke the camel's back came recently when the party held its elections for the first time, applying the innovative direct election system which was supposed to demonstrate a truly democratic system of choosing its leaders. Seeing red and no prospect for any meaningful role, Jeffrey balked from defending his VP post citing KL's failure to listen to any ideas from him. The election was soon marred by disputes over polling irregularities and by Anwar going from division to division asking members to vote for Azmin and not for Zaid (to the post of deputy president). Complaints and protests rose up in the party, culminating with the withdrawal from the elections by Zaid, who drew attention to the manipulative, undemocratic and uncivilized politics in PKR, especially by Anwar himself. The many complaints of election irrgularities were not investigated by the Central Election Committee (CEC). There were even brushed aside as "isolated incidents" by Azmin. In sum, most of what transpired in the contentious and highly controversial PKR elections only served to expose the lack of principle and integrity of the party's leadership.
But if what transpired in PKR was appalling by an standard, I learned quite late that the PKR Constitution has a provision requiring that all appointments of party positions in Sabah shall be decided by the central leadership in Kuala Lumpur! This therefore means that the party members have no power by any democratic means to choose their own leaders. If PKR came to power in Sabah and Sarawak the power to appoint the chief ministers and cabinet members would still be in the hands of Kuala Lumpur.

There is even a provision requiring that the party's central leadership in faraway Kuala Lumpur will decide on the appointments of all village heads and chairmen of JKKKs! Sabah PKR leaders aligned to Jeffrey had demanded this provision to be repealed but Anwar had adamantly refused.
 
Now, how does any sane politician, with all his or her background and learning about justice, fair play and the rule of law, accept that this provision, against all logic, is really, really in the PKR Constitution? It is very strange and absolutely incongruent with the whole concept of democracy, justice, transparency, freedom of speech, liberal policy and all that are positive and growth-oriented which PKR claims to be championing. It is also a crystal-clear proof of PKR's sinister intention as a national party. Our immediate impression and understanding would be that Anwar intends to be a dictator, giving the members the freedom to choose him as their leader and then forbidding them to practise their democratic rights! It is as if he is aiming to institute a neo-colonialistic rule over Sabah and Sarawak, by taking a strong grip, possibly rule with an iron fist, over the states, not just through the party Constitution but through the laws. In his speeches Anwar had always accused the BN of practising "the law of the jungle" (hukum rimba) which makes us wonder what kind of law he would be planning for the nation if he came to power!
 
This unbelievable provision in the PKR Constitution stands in stark contrast against reason, ill-fitting, even abhorrent in the light of the 21st century mind, an attempt to drag us back into the feudal past which was characterized by innocence, blind obedience, bondage and mental and physical slavery! Those Sabahans and Sarawakians still dreaming PKR will bring freedom, reformasi, democracy and justice must consider the irrationality of this nausea-inducing provision and decide if they can take it and continue to slog on. Can they accept PKR treating Sabah and Sarawak with that provision?
 
My dear Datuk Seri, wherefore have you buried your reason and wisdom? For all your learning from the great classical philosophers from Socrates to Sun Tzu to Freud, you had slipped on the high road and put an end to our trust and loyalty. Gone is my hopes and dreams for PKR to build a future on the unshakeable rock of truth and moral character because fallacy and lies have been made bare and glaring. My love is gone because I now know you never loved me ... I bid farewell for I no longer see the knight in shining armour riding a Pegasus; he had revealed his true self, a non-hero masquerading with a mask, and carrying the anachronistic colonialist  baggage from the past. I shall therefore take a new path, to help in the building of a better bridge to tomorrow - a bridge built on integrity, uprightness and truth. May the bridge span high over the rive of tyranny and erosion, and let it straddle two opposite ages - crossing over the age of delusion and slavery to the age of enlightenment and progress. The people of Sabah and Sarawak deserve something better - our own platform and our own vehicle which will be free from the mischief of sneaky and snooty outsiders.
 
It was an exciting trip flying the flag of reformasi, drumming up the desire for a new government. And then reformasi died in the hands of its deceitful torch bearers. But it is now revived under a different flag which now begins to proudly flap even below the wind and cheered on by the songs of the hornbills, bolstered by the fighting spirit of old, and roused by vision for a new Malaysia.